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The Nisei, unlike the Japanese war brides, were given a public forum in which to articulate their feelings about their status in the United States. And in their testimonies, they express a desire to be accepted by white Americans, as well as a resulting resentment of being seen as Japanese and a pronounced cynicism regarding the potential for an integrated future.
Although the magazine had run a story on the Supreme Court decision in 1954, it generally ignored the meaning of the decision by several means. The editors insisted that “most southerners were calm” despite the fact that polls showed eighty percent of white southerners “vehemently opposed” racial integration. The media also consistently represented blacks as a monolithic, manageable group in photo spreads of black children standing in line to be admitted to those few schools that voluntarily agreed to integrate. Even after the 1955 implementation decision, Life prophesied that the impending desegregation of American society would be achieved with relative ease.
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Women did have greater marital opportunities in Hawai’i because of the gender disparity within the Japanese community and while some Issei marriages did end in divorce, the majority of men and women accepted the arranged marriage. As a result, the number of disaffected, impoverished Japanese workers who were unable to return to Japan and thus desired to start a family abroad dramatically increased. As there were a limited number of women—for every 100 females, there were 447 males in Hawai’i—Japanese men sought the arrival of marriageable women. The term picture bride refers to a practice in the early twentieth century by immigrant workers who married women on the recommendation of a matchmaker who exchanged photographs between the prospective bride and groom.
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Although several white neighbors were initially skeptical, some being World War II veterans with long simmering hatred of anyone with Japanese blood, or as Michener puts it, “hardly the ones who might be expected to accept a Japanese,” Sachiko wins the day . “I walked in,” remembers one white woman, “and saw Sachiko for the first time. She seemed so clean, so needing a friend that I started to cry and ran over to her and threw my arm around her shoulder” . Similarly, another white woman recalls, “it was the finest time of my life. Such warmth, such love we discovered in one another.” Michener encourages his readers to celebrate Sachiko’s achievement of white acceptance, concluding that it was then, embraced in “the love in which her neighbors held her,” that “she became an American” . Sachiko Pfeiffer’s story of assimilation invites parallels with the experience of the resettled Nisei, not the least because the Nisei had also attempted to find acceptance in Chicago less than a decade earlier.
The social, cultural and economic fabric of this city-state is thus not only woven out of local elements but involves a high density of trans-national relationships. In this light, this paper seeks to provide a brood overview of recent changes and trends in the structure and shape of the household in Singapore. The social, cultural and economic fabric of this city-state is thus not only woven out of local elements but involves a high density of transnational relationships. In this light, this paper seeks to provide a broad overview of recent changes and trends in the structure and shape of the household in Singapore. In Japan, the matchmaking tradition of omiai dates back to the 16th century. This resulted in the immigration of over ten thousand Japanese women to the West Coast from 1908 until 1920, when the Japanese government stopped issuing passports to picture brides. A hot Japanese wife will give up anything, even her career, and dreams when it comes to her closest people.